Warfare in Flanders, according to Walter of Thérouanne Walter, archdeacon of the diocese of Thérouanne, spent his
youth among the regular canons of Saint Martin of Ypres whence he was called by
John of Warneton, bishop of Thérouanne in 1115. John made him archdeacon of Flanders in 1116 at a relatively
early age, a task which brought him into frequent contact with Count Charles,
whose confidence he appears to have enjoyed.
He in fact met with Charles shortly before the assassination.
John of Warneton asked him to write a history of Charles’s life, the Vita
Karoli comitis Flandri, immediately after the assassination, and Walter
completed the work between July and September 1127.
Walter’s works suggest that he had been well educated, and he was, like
his bishop, devoted to the “Gregorian” reform movement.
For more on Walter, see M. Duchet, “Sur un point erroné de l’Histoire
littéraire de la France par les Bénédictins,” Mémoires
lus à la Sorbonne dans les séances extraordinaires du Comité Imperial des
travaux historiques et des sociétés savantes . . . histoire, philologie et
sciences morales 8 (1867/68), 199-211; N. Huyghebaert, “Gautier de Thérouanne,”
Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie
ecclésiastiques 20 (Paris, 1984), 115-16; and The
Narrative Sources from the Southern Low Countries, 600-1500, University of
Ghent, http://www.lib.rug.ac.be/n-exec.html,
ID numbers G009 and G010. The
edition of the charters of the bishops of Thérouanne that is currently being
prepared by Professor Benoît Tock of the University of Strasburg will also help
us fill in some pieces of Walter’s biography.
On the hagiographical context in which Walter composed his lives of
Charles and John, see I. Van‘t Spijker, Gallia
du Nord et de l’Ouest. Les
Provinces ecclésiastiques de Tours, Rouen, Reims (950-1130), Hagiographies,
ed. G. Philippart, 2 (Turnhout, 1996), 239-47, 263-79. Jeff Rider, Dept. of Romance Languages & Literatures, Wesleyan University
For
the Original Latin Text of this section, click here. 1. His origins. In the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred and twenty-seven, during the fifth indiction, on March 2, peace was taken from our land, honesty carried off, and all happiness nearly extinguished by the detestable outbreak of death, war, travail, foulness and all unhappiness. Indeed, on that day of that year the lives of many people were jeopardized through the life of one man and, according to God’s just judgement, the deserved deaths of many men were engendered in a kind of horrible breeding by the undeserved death of one man. For then, as the prophet said, the iniquities of our fathers were remembered before the Lord [Ps 108.14, Vulg.] and our old sins were castigated with a new punishment, so that–when the man upon whom, second only to God, the people’s welfare had until then been founded was taken from them–the censure of divine judgement, which had formerly lain concealed in God’s prescience, was revealed and made public. On that day indeed, Charles, count of Flanders, the son of the martyr Knut, the former king of Denmark, and Queen Adele (whom Roger, duke of Apulia, later married) was murdered in the church of Saint Donatian in Bruges through the wickedeness of a few men but to the ruin of many. . . . 32. The count’s burial. On which day [Friday, March 4,
1127], a few of his vassals and dependants came together and buried him in a
tomb that had been constructed out of stones and cement upon the floor in the
place where he had been killed. The
priests and clergy then commended him to God with the solemn rites of masses
and prayers in another church because reason and authority did not allow them
to do so in a place that had been desecrated with murders and human blood.
The provost and his men, however, exulted as if they had defeated an
enemy and discussed and pondered how they might take over the county and
whether they would meet with any resistance, all the while ignoring what
sentence was being prepared for them by the fearful judgement of a divine
severity. While they were
rejoicing in blood and the looting of the count’s strongboxes, which they
had seized, the just Judge and most fair Avenger was secretly arranging their
punishment. O ineffable goodness
and justice of God! He waited
mercifully until Lent of the second year after His passion, granting His
impious Jewish persecutors this time to repent, but since they did not
repent - too inattentive to realize that God’s patience was calling them to
repent, storing up His wrath against them for the day of wrath - they died
horrible deaths that same year. He
justly shortened the delay for these persecutors of a just man, however, and
put off their punishment hardly a week. God’s
Jewish persecutors, I believe, indeed deserved to be given mercifully more
time because the early church grew up among them; the count’s persecutors,
however, were judged more quickly, and rightly so, because the mature church
was scandalized among and by them. 33. The siege of the men from Bruges. For behold! exactly a week after the count’s murder, as if Lord Charles had in a way risen up to avenge himself, a certain Gervase, a neighbor of the traitors and an honest and upright man, gathered about thirty of his knights and attacked and entered the town of Bruges. Overrun by the fear of God, the traitors did not have the courage to fight back, and Gervase forced them to take refuge in the inner stronghold. I have no doubt whatsoever that this was achieved through divine virtue since the traitors were far superior in number, strength and position. Truly God’s hand strengthened the hearts of these few faithful men and sapped the strength and courage of the many faithless ones. Celestial grace likewise so altered the hearts of the citizens of Bruges that not only did they not unjustly favor or offer help to their lords’ faction, but, on the contrary, altogether refused to have anything to do with them and, allied with Gervase, immediately besieged them in the stronghold into which they had fled. Two of those who were accomplices to the murder of Lord Charles were run down, captured, and tortured, as was right, in various and shameful ways in the sight of the others and to their pain, certainly, and confusion. They were finally killed and one of them was hung from a gibbet, while the other was thrown in a sewage ditch where he could be seen by his lords looking out from the walls of the castle. . . . 36. The growth of the siege and the invasion of the castle. After Gervase and Didier had begun the aforementioned siege in Bruges, as was described above, Baldwin of Ghent and Daniel of Dendermonde, from the east, and Walter of Lillers, Richard of Woumen, and Thierry of Dixmude, from the west, gathered their forces, joined the siege, and swore an oath that they would not leave there until the murderers had been captured and punished. And so when a few days had gone by and some assaults had been attempted, the besiegers scaled the southern wall one day and hurled themselves boldly inside, rushing upon the traitors and forcing them all to flee inside the church of Saint Donatian, which they had already defiled with foul murder. This was just what they deserved. For it was fitting retribution that they be forced to endure unwillingly the hardships of vigils, hunger and thirst and the constant fear of looming death throughout the weariness of the long siege in precisely that place which no respect had prevented them from desecrating cruelly in contempt of God and His saints. . . . 43. The disorder after the count’s death and the peace. But we should now turn back in
time and report some events which took place before this but which we have
omitted until now, because everything that occurred at one time could not be
told at the same time. When the
marquis had been killed at Bruges, therefore, as was described above, the news
of such an evil deed spread immediately in all directions and was known that
same day at a distance of almost thirty leagues.
There was, therefore, mourning everywhere, sighs everywhere, and great
sorrow among the clergy, monks, the country folk, the poor, among all those
ultimately who wanted to live in peace and tranquility and maintain and enjoy
order. All thieves and wicked
men, however - who, it then became clear, had been restrained by a fear more
of Charles than of God - were loosed as if the chains by which they had been
restrained had been shattered, and they began to throw everything into
disorder, to rob merchants and travellers of their possessions, and often to
bind them and throw them into prison. Such
was the madness and the wickedness of those malicious men that they were not
held in check even by reverence for a holy time, for it was then Lent.
But their insanity was quickly repressed with the help of omnipotent
God’s mercy. The very day that
the aforementioned William, lord Charles’ cousin, learned of the count’s
death from a messenger, he claimed the county for himself, albeit
unsuccessfully, occupied the strongly-fortified castle of Aire and made all
the occupants swear loyalty to him. And when he had likewise taken control of Saint Venant,
Cassel, Bailleul, Ypres, and the land around Bergues and Veurne, he quickly
repressed the activity of the thieves in these areas and commanded that peace
be maintained. Other barons of
the land, too, having conferred with one another, were inspired by God to
agree to maintain peace and each saw to the defense of his region. 44. The king’s arrival and the choice of a new count. When Louis, the august king of
the French, heard that his cousin Charles had died and that William had seized
an honor that was not his, especially since the king had not agreed to it, he
was gravely concerned and traveled to the city of Arras around the middle of
Lent, wanting as much to strip William of the authority he had usurped as to
avenge the death of his friend. He
ordered young William Clito, called the count of Normandy – who, as we noted
in the beginning of this little work, had been impiously disinherited by his
uncle, King Henry of England, and had recently married the sister of the
queen – to come to Arras as well. When
they had stayed in that city about two weeks and several men who claimed the
countship of our land – namely, Arnulf, the nephew of Lord Charles, Baldwin of
Mons, and numerous messengers demanding the countship on behalf of the
aforesaid William, who had already seized that part of our land mentioned
above – had come to the king, the queen finally prevailed thanks, I believe,
to God’s hidden but nonetheless just Providence, and, having very deftly
gained the support of certain of the leading men, obtained the countship for
her brother-in-law, the count of Normandy, on March 23. 45. The impediments opposed to the royal decision and the count’s progress. Fearing that William’s power would grow to his detriment, his uncle strove to weaken it with all his might and by whatever means he could. He therefore solicited the support of many powerful men–sending his nephew, Stephen of Blois, count of Boulogne and Mortain, and distributing a great deal of money through him and other loyal representatives, and promising yet more – and claimed that Flanders was his heritage and belonged to him by right of inheritance from his uncle, Robert of Cassel. He won them over to his side in this way and formed an alliance with his father-in-law, the duke of Leuven, and the count of Mons, and Thomas of Coucy, and also the aforementioned William of Ypres. He goaded and urged all of them and their followers to oppose the will and the decision of the king and to hinder the new count in every way, not so much because he himself wanted to obtain Flanders, which he perhaps already despaired of winning, but in order to weaken and destroy the count’s strength, which he believed dangerous to him. Accompanied by the count, the
king left the city of Arras a few days later and proceeded – with difficulty,
however, for the English supporters hindered him almost everywhere – first to Lille, then to Ghent, and then to Bruges, where he strengthened the siege with
his presence. The count left
Bruges after Easter and, passing through Lille and Béthune, came to our city
of Thérouanne where he was welcomed with great joy by the clergy and people
and remained two days. He
eventually passed through Thérouanne again on his way back to Lille after he
had taken possession of the town called Saint Omer and been welcomed joyously
by its castellan and burghers (once certain conditions had been agreed upon)
and stayed there for a few days. 46. The surrender of the men from Bruges, and the miracle of the food, and the cleansing of the church. In the meantime, the king had forced Robert and the other remaining murderers of Bruges to come out of the tower into which they had fled and give themselves up and had locked them all up in prison and chains. . . . 48. The royal expedition and the surrender of Ypres. When all these things had been performed solemnly and with due honor, the king set out for Ypres with the army he had been able to assemble and arrived there around the sixth hour of the next day, April 26, where the count, as they had arranged, quickly rushed to meet him with an army raised elsewhere. A short time later, the oft-mentioned William, the son of Philip, revering the highness of royal majesty less than he ought and supported by the arms and courage of the many strong men he had recruited, rushed boldly out of the town towards them and began to fight fiercely against their combined armies. But the wretched man was unaware of the pit of adversity and earthly misfortune that had been dug for him while he – who judged himself to be acting bravely when he fought against his enemies as stubbornly as possible – established and arranged his battle line against his adversaries. For well before this, some of the burghers, who had sworn oaths of loyalty to him not once but many times, had plotted with some other of his men to betray him, had sent messengers to the king, and had pledged that they would open the gates to him and betray William. Woe
to the world for temptations to sin! [Mt 18.7] or rather woe to Flanders
for traitors! It is wondrous and
no less pitiful that the unhappy land that had lost its lord to treachery
could not obtain another except through treachery.
Only a few men of Ypres, it is true, had arranged this betrayal,
because they had judged it more advantageous to comply with the royal will
than to be subject to William’s orders and a power they mistrusted.
For they did this, so they said, not because they found any fault with
him, but because they feared the intemperate lordship of certain of the men
close to him. 49. William is captured, Ypres burned, Flanders subdued. And so after the fighting had
gone on from the sixth to the ninth hour of the day with various attacks from
both armies from the north and east, the traitors summoned the enemy troops by
means of a standard they had raised on the very top of Saint Peter’s church
as the agreed-upon signal for the treachery they were preparing, opened the
southern gate, and welcomed them into the town.
They ran throughout the whole town without stopping and laid everything
to waste with theft and fires. Only
then did William of Ypres realize that he had been betrayed, and he took
flight, since that seemed to be the only thing he could do, but he fled too
late. Daniel of Dendermonde
followed and captured him as he fled, disarmed him, and handed him over
captive to count William. That
same day, when Ypres had been plundered and burned from the northern to the
southern gate and an innumerable crowd of knights had been captured, the king
and count led the captive William away with them to the abbey of Messines.
They placed him in the custody of the castellan of Lille the next day,
then continued on to Aire and, having received its surrender, easily
subjugated Cassel and the rest of lower Flanders.
They then finally returned to Bruges to avenge the death of the
honorable Charles. 50. The execution of the prisoners from Bruges. The king and count then had the
brother of the provost, Wulfric – whom, as we mentioned above, had conspired in
the count’s death – along with about twenty-eight other prisoners taken out of
their prison and thrown from a high tower, and those murderers thus perished in
torments worthy of such iniquity. They
had not all sinned equally in word or deed, but they had nonetheless all bound
themselves in comparable bonds of iniquity by consenting to the iniquity and
helping the iniquitous, and they therefore deserved to be executed in the same
way as those with whom they had not hesitated to associate themselves.
Since the king and count did not think that it was entirely safe to
punish Robert (whom we showed above to have been one of the conspirators) then
and there with the others because he seemed in some ways to be less guilty than
they and was greatly loved by the people, they ordered him to be led away with
them. When they had taken him as
far as Cassel and he had repented lengthily of his crime, they had him beheaded
outside of the town. These texts and translations © Jeff Rider, Dept. of Romance Languages & Literatures, Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT 06459, from whom all necessary permissions to reproduce must be sought. We thank Professor Rider for his permission to republish this text. |