In the summer of 2005, the Institute of Philology
associated with CSIC in Madrid hosted a seminar entitled “El cuerpo derrotado: cómo trataban musulmanes y cristianos a los enemigos vencidos (Península Ibérica, ss. VIII-XIII.)” The resulting
papers, most of them excellent, have now been published in an edited collection. As
the title implies, the concern of all the participants was the treatment
rendered by Muslims and Christians to their enemies. Medieval Iberia
lends itself particularly well to this type of study with its multi-ethnic
and multi-religious societies, but the articles here indicate that the
issue is much more nuanced and while religious reasons often guided the
treatment of defeated enemies, so too did judicial concerns, political
calculations and economic conditions. (p. 20) The book
includes twelve articles and is divided into four sections: the defeated
enemy, treatment rendered to rebels and heretics, the punished body, and
the treatment of captives. An excellent introduction by the editors
lays out the goals of the seminar and goes a long way towards establishing
the theme and argument of each essay. The conclusion (also the sole
English-language essay), by Matthew Strickland, helps to summarize the
findings and helpfully draws a comparison between the Iberian Peninsula
and Northern Europe.
The
first section on the defeated enemy sets the groundwork for much of what
follows. The first article by Alejandro García Sanjuán looks
at the submission of territory and the treatment rendered those who surrendered
in Islamic jurisprudence. As many before him, he finds a key difference
being drawn between those who surrendered without a struggle against those
who put up resistance, but he also critiques many of the established arguments
as to how Muslim conquerors divided territory. The two other articles
in this first section, by Francisco Garcia Fitz and David González Porrinas, address
how Christians treated captured Muslims in the kingdom of Leon-Castile
and in the campaigns of El Cid.
While
the treatment given to captured enemies of a different
faith was often driven by pragmatic concerns that was not the case with
rebels and heretics, rebellions and heresies often brought out the stiffest
punishments that the Iberian Christian and Muslim states could mete out. The
first essay in this section by Martin Alvira Cabrer offers
a typology of the types of punishments that rebels received and subdivides
if further depending on whether the insurgent was a noble or commoner. Delfina Sarrano Ruano analyzes rebellion
in Islamic jurisprudence and Maribel Fierro explores
the relationship between the punishment of heretics and religious/political
power in Muslim al-Andalus. She finds a
correlation between the image that the prince wished to portray of himself
and how he punished heretics as princes who aspired to a mantel of piety
and religious virtue punished those who strayed from the faith much more
harshly.
Section
three illuminates the extremes of violence in Medieval Iberia as two articles
highlight beheadings and the third physical and fatal violence on the body. The
first of these by Cristina de la Puente looks at beheadings in Muslim al-Andalus and
their use as a “political strategy, a historiographical option, or
even as a literary topos.” (p. 320) She finds
that although beheadings al-Andalus were often
reserved for honorable enemies (as was often the case elsewhere), many
of these acts were carried out posthumously and were used as victory trophies
and to symbolize the power of the prince. The article by José Manuel Rodríguez García shifts
the focus north to the Christian realms of Castile-Leon and contextualizes
beheadings and their use during peacetime to impart justice and during
wartime in military operations. The author concludes that beheadings
were used only sporadically in Castile-Leon, especially in comparison with
the Muslim south and the Christian kingdoms beyond the Pyrenees. (pp. 44,
345-347) Isabel Alfonso moves us away from the meaning of disembodied
heads and offers a study in which the body becomes a place of violent dialogue
and through which different forms of alterity are
constructed.
Captives
are the subject of the last three articles. Josep Torró starts
things off with an examination of the ambiguous status of Muslim captives
in the Crown of Aragon. Besides the typically horrible conditions
associated with their captivity/slavery, the presence of Muslim captives
in the Crown of Aragon created uncertainty for the large number of non-captive
Muslims that lived in the Christian realm as they could easily find themselves “mistaken” for
runaway captives and placed in bondage. The two remaining pieces
are both situated in the Islamic south. Francisco Vidal Castro examines
Muslim legal doctrine on captivity and the numerous possibilities that
faced those who were captured by Muslims forces including death, freedom,
redemption or enslavement. One fascinating aspect of this article
is Vidal Castro’s concern with non-combatants and their status after
capture. Luis Molina foregoes the interfaith treatment of captives
and instead looks at how Muslims treated other Muslims who became their
captives and the factors (legal, hierarchical, practical) that complicated
such circumstances.
There
is much to praise here. Although some of the articles tend to run
a little long and one sometimes wishes for a more interdisciplinary approach
in some cases, this collection is an excellent addition to the literature
on warfare, peacemaking, confrontation and interaction between Muslims
and Christians in the Iberian Peninsula. The individual articles
can each stand alone, but it is as a group that they deliver the most thought-provoking
conclusions. First, we see that although the conflict in Iberia is
often presented as a religious one, it was, in fact, pragmatism and practicality
that usually determined the actions of the participants. Religious
differences were important, of course, but these were often trumped by
other factors. Second, as Mathew Strickland points out in the conclusion,
by the fourteenth century and in comparison with the rest of Europe, Iberia
had developed much more clearly articulated laws of war to determine the
treatment of captives, ransom, or the division of booty. (p. 533-534). Finally,
and perhaps most surprising, is the editors’ suggestion that due
to these well developed customs of war (which were understood and practiced
by both sides), “ferocity and barbarism were much more limited” in
Iberian warfare than in other parts of Europe. (pp. 55-56)