The role of the Roman army in the spread and acceptance of Christianity
in the late Roman empire has garnered scholarly attention for over
a century. The dominant historiographical position has been
that the Roman army was generally hostile to Christianity, and that
at the same time early Christianity was hostile towards bloodshed
and military service. Thus it would seem, the Roman army hindered
more than helped the spread of Christianity. John F. Shean,
Associate Professor of History at LaGuardia Community College, City
University of New York, challenges both of these assumptions and
demonstrates a much greater level of debate and uncertainty among
contemporaries than is normally acknowledged by historians.
After an introductory consideration of the relationship between
warfare and religion generally, Shean considers the example of the
late Roman state in particular. He illuminates some of the
central paradoxes that his books seeks to address, namely how a bellicose
state such as Rome could whole-heartedly embrace a
"peaceful" religion such as Christianity, and, since the
army played such a huge role in administering the post-Diocletian
empire, how the role of the Roman army in that process could have
been ignored by historians. His solution is two-fold: first,
"Christianity" was not uniformly pacifistic, and second,
the army was a tool for conversion, rather than an impediment. Shean
summarizes the transformative nature of the army in spreading Christianity
as a shift "from a force which waged war with religion to one
which waged wars for religion.”
(19)
Chapter two offers a useful overview of other the religions competing
for attention with Christianity: Mithraism, the cult of Sol Invinctus,
the traditional gods of the Roman state, among others. Shean also
considers Christian attitudes towards the state, military service,
and war. It is here that he engages with some of the most pernicious
and powerful historiographical assumptions made by previous historians. His
treatment of the argument over the role of pacifism in early Christianity,
and his overview of the work of historians such as A. von Harnack,
C.J. Cadoux, and J.M. Hornus, is very useful, though considering
the centrality of this topic to his thesis, this response to the
existing literature should probably been present in the introduction.
In any case, Shean does an excellent job of demonstrating that many
modern historians have seen the importance, or lack thereof, of pacifism
to early Christianity through their own prisms of what constitutes
"proper" Christianity. Historians such as Jean-Michel
Hornus saw the pre-Constantine Christian Church as an almost uniformly
pacifistic enterprise, which was only later corrupted by influences
from the Roman state. As Shean points out, Hornus "tended
to be extremely partisan in his handling of evidence" in an
attempt to undermine the idea that early Christians had multiple
beliefs and approaches towards warfare and violence (77). Indeed,
the favoring of Christianity by Constantine did not
"represent any change on the part of the Christian community
towards war and violence, but only a shift in emphasis." (86)
Shean's argument is largely informed by the recognition that there
was no single "Christian" ideology or system of beliefs
in the Late Roman period. He illuminates the myriad debates
over belief in early Christian, and he rightly demonstrates that
Christians were, in general, far more interested in questions of
Christ's divinity than they were over questions of Christian military
service.
Shean also pushes back modern attempts to shoehorn early Christians
into solid ideological categories that have affinities with modern
political or religious beliefs. In strident terms he argues
that early Christians might have been opposed to violence in general,
but that this should not be confused with pacifism. He writes
The idea that the early Christians
would exclude soldiers is a modern fable based on the mindless
reiteration of the slogan that Christianity is a religion of peace. But
a desire for peace should not be confused with pacifism, which
is an extremist view, just as a call for an end to killing could
be interpreted by some as a call for vegetarianism. (141)
Shean then proceeds to knock down a further anachronism that sees
early Christians as socialists who saw themselves as "a social
movement of activists and subversives challenging the inequitable
class system of Roman society." (148-50) In each case Shean's
central point is that early Christianity belies easy categorization
along socio-economic or ideological lines, thereby undermining the
premise that the young religion had a monolithic attachment to behavioral
norms concerning military service or violence. He points out
that there were certainly Christian communities that "did reject
the everyday life of the pagan world and held themselves aloof from
participating in the public festivals or playing the role of a fully
engaged citizen in imperial society", but that we ought not
to exaggerate the influence or comprehensiveness of these groups
in the broader Christian movement. (162-3)
Shean devotes an entire chapter towards detailing the copious amount
of evidence for Christians serving in the Roman army. He argues
that the Christians in military service who embraced martyrdom did
so not because of the potential for violence or bloodshed, but rather
the requirement of Christians to swear the military oath and the
necessity of partaking of the religious traditions of the army. Shean
writes, "In none of these cases [of military martyrs] is the
moral objection to serving in war or shedding blood ever raised as
a primary issue. The problem confronting the martyr is always
forced compliance with the official religious practices of the Roman
army."
(195) Going even further, Shean argues that by c.300
Christian in the military was so commonplace, that it was only noteworthy
when one sought to make example of himself by refusing to obey orders
or take the oath. Therefore, he interprets Constantine's "conversion" as
a reaction to the already large number of Christians within the military,
rather than a leading indicator of future growth.
The later chapters of the book demonstrate its only chief weakness:
a lack of focus on the core topic of Christianity within the Roman
army. Shean broadens his study into questions of the acceptance
of Christianity generally within the empire, and the changing nature
of the role of Christians, both in the Byzantine and western European
successor states to the Empire. At the same time, important
questions are left unresolved, such as the changing nature of Roman
identity in the post-Imperial world, and the role of paganism in
the creation of religious identity.
Aside from the lack of focus at the end of the book, Shean has produced
a compelling and provocative text that challenges the existing paradigm
of Christianity's acceptance within the late imperial Roman army. He
makes a passionate case for the importance of pragmatism over strict
ideology among early Christians. At the same time, he reminds
us of the need for historians to maintain a balanced approach to
ideological questions, rather than adopting as normative the side
that most agrees with our modern sensibilities.