Warfare in Flanders, according to Galbert of Bruges' The Murder of Charles the Good
Part 1: April 11th - 14th
Galbert of Bruges was a cleric who worked principally in
the fiscal administration of the castellany of Bruges. He was thus a marginal member of the count’s curia, at least when the count was in Bruges, and it is reasonable
to suppose that he was occasionally called on for various other, more punctual
tasks like taking notes at juridical acts which served as the basis for the
subsequent composition of charters, or helping the count with his
correspondence. It is possible that
he was also a marginal member of the conventus
of Saint Donatian, perhaps principally for the sake of compensation.
Galbert composed his chronicle of the events surrounding Charles
assassination and the ensuing civil war, the De
multro, traditione, et occisione gloriosi Karoli comitis Flandriarum, in the
form of a journal during 1127-28. His
work is not addressed to any patron and Galbert makes no clear statement about
his intended audience. It seems
that the burghers of Bruges figured most prominently in Galbert’s mind while
he was composing the first part of his work (devoted to the events of spring
1127), but that his intended audience included all the inhabitants of Bruges,
clergy and aristocrats as well, and even, albeit more vaguely, all the
inhabitants of Flanders and any other of the faithful who might be interested in
an account of Charles’s death and the punishment of his murderers.
The fact that Galbert wrote a long text in Latin shows that he had been
decently educated, but there is no reason to suppose that his studies extended
beyond the trivium. He may have
been educated at Saint Donatian itself or at a nearby center like Tournai,
Arras, or Laon. By the time he
wrote his chronicle, however, most of his recent education had probably come
from his practical experience in the count’s administration, conversation, and
attendance at religious offices. For
more on Galbert, see J. Rider, God’s
Scribe: The Historiographical Art of Galbert of Bruges (Washington, DC: The
Catholic University of America Press, 2001), 16-28.

[Chapter 59] The citizens o f Bruges challenge the
"law of the siege," April 11, 1127
On this same day Gervaise had ordered the carpenters to
take apart the wooden tower which had been constructed earlier for storming the
walls and now stood idle; he had ordered that the strongest beam, separated from
the others, should be made into a battering ram by means of which the wall of
the church could be breached. Now when the bowmen among the besieged were aiming
their arrows at the workmen from their position on the summit of the tower and
the strings of the drawn bows were vibrating, a certain bow with its arrow in
place fell from the hands of a bowman just in the act of drawing. This was
observed by the knights, who were standing by with their shields close to the
work of the artisans to protect them as they skillfully operated the engines of
war, such as rams, sows, projectile machines, ladders, and the like which are
used customarily to destroy walls and stone structures; and they prophesied a
most unlucky consequence of the fall of the bow and arrow from the besieged.
On the same day, in the
evening, a serious disturbance broke out between Gervaise and his men and our
citizens. For on the order of the king, and at the command of the barons of the
siege, who were trying to speed up the destruction of the besieged, and who had
been put to great expense throughout the whole course of .the siege, and had
exerted themselves unceasingly in watching and fighting - by their common
counsel and by royal edict, I say - a general decree had been issued, to the
effect that no one from the whole crowd of the siege should dare to approach the
tower and speak to the besieged for fear that the latter might get some idea of
how they were going to be taken. The laws also provided with respect to
transgressors that if anyone violated this command, he should be thrown into
captivity and punished by the common judgment of the barons.
Now one of the citizens who
had married a sister of a certain knight among the besieged went secretly to the
tower, to get back from his brother-in-law the vessels and clothes he had lent
him, and the latter gave him back the vessels. When that citizen was crossing
the market place on his return, one of the vassals of Gervaise who had taken on
the responsibility of enforcing the law of the king and barons and of his own
lord, and also the authority of seizing transgressors of the order, followed the
citizen, and seizing him, led him captive with him to the count's house.
Immediately a great tumult arose among the citizens. Hastening to arms, they
attacked the house of the count and the households of Gervaise which was
defending itself strongly from within. They cried out that they did not intend
to suffer the lordship of anyone at all, and that on the contrary, it was within
their own power to correct this misdeed. And when the uproar had gone on for
some time, Gervaise, in their midst, spoke as follows:
"You know, citizens and
my friends, that in accordance with your request, the king and count recently
installed me as vis–count of your place, and it was according to the order of
the king and barons that my knight just now seized the citizen, your neighbor,
as a violator of the order; by this act you have per–sonally shown contempt for
my office, you have attacked the count's house and my household who are in it,
and finally, with–out reason you have risen up in an armed band in the presence
of the king. Therefore, if you wish, I will give up the viscountship, because of
the injury done to me; I will dissolve the faith and loyalty affirmed between
us, so that it may be clear to all of you that I do not seek to obtain lordship
over you. If it pleases you, let us put aside arms and go into the king's
presence so that he may judge between us and you."
And when he had finished his
speech, they went together into the presence of the king, and they were again
bound to each other in faith and friendship as before.
[Chapter 60] The siege continues; the king and
barons make a new plan of attack, April 12, 1127
On April 12, Tuesday, the king with the more
experienced men and his counselors went into the brothers' dormitory to
determine carefully in advance exactly where the attack on the church should be
made. For since the dormitory was next to the church, the experts could prepare
inside the building the machines to be used in breaking through the wall of the
church and gaining access to the besieged. When those wretches had been unable
to hold the lower parts of the church, they had blockaded with wood and stones
the stairs leading to the gallery so that no one could go up and they themselves
could not come down, planning to defend themselves only from the gallery and the
towers of the church. They had in fact set up between the columns of the gallery
lookouts and fighting posts made out of piles of chests and benches, from which
they could throw stones, lead, and all kinds of heavy things down on the
invaders of the church. They had also hung tapestries and mattresses in the
openings of the windows in the tower so that missiles and weapons could not by
any chance be hurled inside when the tower was being attacked from without. At
the very summit of the towers stood the younger men among the besieged who could
crush with heavy stones those who were moving about in the court of the castle.
And so, having set their affairs in order in such a disorderly way, they were
awaiting their end in death, showing no honor or respect to the blessed corpse
which lay buried among them in the gallery, except in one respect; that is,
although they scarcely called to mind the lord whom they had betrayed, they had
placed a candle at his head which burned continuously in honor of the good count
from the first day of the siege to the day when their attackers gained access to
them. For they had laid out around the tomb of the count the flour and legumes
which they consumed daily to sustain life.
And when the king and his
companions were carefully investigating and were marking the place to pierce the
church, Robert the Young, sticking his head out one of the windows of the
church, spoke to the knights of the king and begged them to be his messengers to
the king, saying humbly that he wished to submit to the judgment of the princes
of the land and the barons of his lord, the king, so that according to their law
he could deserve either to live, by virtue of his defense, or to be destroyed by
the punishment of condemnation if he could not absolve himself. But none of the
men dared to go as messengers with these words to the king, because he was so
filled with anger against the traitors that he hated even the sight of them. Our
citizens, however; and the king's knights, and all who had heard with what
humble language the young man had implored the lord king, suffered with him,
dissolved in tears, praying that his lord would take pity on him.
[Chapter 62] The besiegers breach the wall of the
church, April 14, 1127
On April 14, Thursday, the battering ram, designed to
drive a hole through the wall of the church, was brought into the brothers'
dormitory, a hall which was adjacent to the place where the good count's body
was lying in its tomb, commended to God. And
immediately the artisans who had made the ram erected high slanting approaches,
like stairs, and after tearing down the wooden wall of the dormitory, which had
stood next to the church, they placed the top of these "stairs" in
such a way that those who dared could ascend armed to the wall of the church.
For the workers had laid bare a window' of the original structure of the church
in the old stonework against which they had now placed the stairs. But they
lowered the approaches of the equipment temporarily so as to direct the blows of
the ram below the window and, once the stone wall was pierced, to secure the
window as an entrance, almost like an open door, for the steps were so broad
that ten knights could stand on them fighting side by side at the same time.
When these were in place,
they adjusted the great beam, suspended by ropes, so that it would pierce the
church in that very place, above the stairs; and they attached nooses to it and
also placed by the nooses armed men who were to draw it back from the church,
raised on high, and, once it was pulled back with all their force and strength,
to hurl it skillfully and effectively against the wall of the church. Over the
heads of those ascending the stairs, coverings of green branches were woven
together and inserted in the beams so that if the roof of the dormitory should
by some device be broken through by the besieged, those who were driving the ram
would be safe under the shelter of the branches. And wooden "walls"
had also been placed before them as a protection so that they would not he
wounded by arrows or spears coming from inside. Then, having pulled the ram back
from the church wall by means of the nooses as far as they possibly could with
outstretched arms, all together, with one impetus and. one cry, they drove the
great mass and weight of the ram against the church with their maximum strength
and effort. At each blow a great heap of stones fell to the ground until the
whole area of the wall was perforated in the place where it was pounded. They
had equipped the beam in the head of the ram with a very strong piece of iron so
that it could not suffer any damage except what it incurred as a result of its
own weight and force. The work of ramming was long drawn out; begun at noon it
was not finished until after evening had come.
[Chapter 63] The church is now invaded by the
besiegers, April 14, 1127
Meanwhile the besieged, realizing that the wall was
weak and would quickly be breached, were undecided and uncertain what to do;
finally they fixed up coals, burning inside, and besmeared with pitch, wax, and
butter which they threw onto the roof of the dormitory. And in a moment the
coals, adhering to the roofing, vibrated with flames as the wind blew, so that
enormous flames shot up and spread all over the roof. Now from the upper part of
the tower they were throwing mill stones onto the roof of the dormitory over the
place where the ram was battering the church, both in order to prevent anyone
from extinguishing the fire thrown on the roof, and also to guard themselves
against the danger of a breach in the wall by hurling down stones from on high
to crush those who were breaking through into the church. But neither the number
nor size of the stones hurled down could impede the drivers of the ram. For when
the knights saw the flames vibrating over their heads, one of them went up onto
the roof and managed to extinguish the fire, in spite of the stones and javelins
that were –being hurled. After so many blows of the ram an enormous hole now
lay open in the church wall, which had been breached more quickly than one would
have believed, because since the time of the former fire in the church, the
whole structure of the church had become almost rotten from the rain and
infiltration of water, lacking, as it did, any wooden roof roofing
Then a great cry arose
outside, and all who had fought against the besieged at the doors and in the
lower part of the church and through the windows and in every place where they
could secure access to them, hearing that the church wall had been breached,
were now attacking with greater zeal of spirit and with audacity greedy for
victory. And, in fact, they had all fought continuously on both sides from noon
to evening, almost succumbing from the exertion of the struggle and the weight
of arms. But now, knowing about the opening made by the ram, they were refreshed
and strengthened in spirit, as if they had rushed to arms for the first time,
and they began to attack the besieged and to pursue them in earnest. The
wretched besieged, however, though weak in numbers, were even weaker in the
fight because they had the disadvantage of fighting, not all in one place, but
rather at all the points of access, that is, at the doors and windows, in the
choir and especially in the place which the ram had now taken over. Having
suffered to the bitter end the misfortunes of life, and now fighting separately
on all sides, they were henceforth anticipating ruin and destruction at the
hands of their enemies. Those in the Church who had been hurling stones, arrows,
pikes, stakes, and all kinds of spears against the drivers of the ram were even
more fearful because they were few in number and because, separated from their
companions and almost succumbing from their day‑long struggle, they were
fighting against such a strong army. What is more, lacking arms, they did not
have the means of defending themselves; they resisted, nevertheless, as much as
they dared.
But when the drivers of the
ram, and other knights of the king, and the young men of our place; armed and
avid for conflict, finally saw the besieged opposite them, they summoned all
their courage. They may have been picturing in their mind's eye how noble it
would be to die for father and fatherland, and what an honorable victory was set
before the conquerors, and how infamous and criminal those traitors had been who
had made a den for themselves out of the church of Christ, but in fact it seems
more likely that they were intent on rushing against the besieged because they
were avid and greedy to seize the treasure and money of the lord count, and that
for this reason alone they were hastening forward. But regardless of motives,
they hurled themselves through the middle of the opening in one rush, without
order, without line of battle, without any thought for the arms they bore, so
that by rushing in all at once they could prevent the besieged from having any
time: or place in which to fight and kill anyone. For they did not cease to rush
in until they lead transformed themselves into a kind of continuous bridge, and,
by the marvelous dispensation of God, they advanced without mortal danger to
their lives, some dashing, others stumbling, some pushed in forcibly, others
falling down and trying to get up again, some in complete confusion, as is usual
in such a great tumult. Not only the church but the whole castle and its
vicinity was filled with the sound of their shouts and cries, with the noise of
their passage, the crumbling of the wall and the clamor and clash of arms.
Outside they were praising God and thanking him for this victory by which He
honored the victors, glorified the king and his men, cleansed his church in part
from the defilers, and made it possible at last for that glorious martyr, his
count, to be mourned by the pious veneration of good men and to be sustained by
the prayers of his faithful.
[Chapter 64] The besieged are driven from the
gallery into the tower, April 14, 1127
Now at last Fromold junior [a notary and supporter of
Count Charles] was able to do what had not been possible before and what he had
long and ardently desired, to offer prayers to God for the salvation of his
lord, the count, to make a sacrifice in tears and contrition of heart, and to
rejoice greatly in the sight of the place where his lord, buried, was resting
.in peace; and so for the first time he was preparing funeral rites for his lord
whom he had not been able to see since he was buried, that is for forty-four
days. Since he could see not his body but only the outside of the tomb, he
wished and implored with the prayer of both lips and heart that God on the day
of common resurrection would permit him finally to see his lord and prince,
Charles, raised to double glory among the faithful rulers and highest princes of
his present Church, and to stay with him and be blessed with him eternally in
the glory of the contemplation of the Holy Trinity. Therefore he considered it a
great boon to be able to mourn the death of his lord at his tomb, to lament the
ruin of the fatherland, and to perform with the greatest love the last rites for
one whom he had cherished in life, now betrayed by his serfs. He did so, indeed,
not without tears. Oh God, how many prayers of your faithful you deigned to
receive on that day! Whatever part of the divine cult had not been performed in
that church was more than compensated for in that hour by the magnitude and
multiplicity of the prayers of the just. A wax candle was standing at the head
of the count, placed there by the traitors in honor and veneration of their
lord.
Now after they had rushed into the church against the besieged and a great
clamor had arisen in the pursuit, those most wretched of men had retreated both
from the hole in the wall and from the doors and defense posts and, ascending
the tower to defend themselves, they were resisting their attackers on the
stairs. Therefore the victors, the most Christian knights of the king of France,
hastened to obstruct and block up the stairs with stones and wood, with chests
and beams and other bulky things so that none of the besieged could come down
into the gallery where the count was lying. And now the king, coming to the
church, mourned the death of his cousin, Charles, and placed a guard to watch
the tower carefully; in alternating vigils the king's knights watched the tower
where the besieged were. Whatever was found in that gallery which could be
seized was anybody's loot.
Finally the canons of the church, climbing up on ladders to the gallery from the
choir, arranged for certain of the brothers to keep vigils every night around
the count's tomb. Looking around, they saw that although the church vessels were
shattered and nothing was as it had been before, the altars and altar tables by
God's care had remained in place, and with great rejoicing the brothers took
possession of whatever they found, not by right or merit, but only by the gift
of God. Then God brought that day to its conclusion by closing up his enemies
and giving victory to the faithful, exalting the name of his power to the ends
of the earth. The besieged, however, did not desist from setting watches in the
tower, sounding their horns and acting proudly in such straits as if they still
possessed some authority, not recognizing how extremely wretched they were, for
they were confirmed reprobates. Therefore whatever they did henceforth was not
pleasing to God or men but was reprobate and hateful.

This section is originally from Galbert of Bruges, The Murder
of Charles the Good, translated by James Bruce Ross (Columbia University
Press, 1953). We thank Columbia University Press for allowing us to
republish this section.