Warfare in England and France in 1173-74, according to William of Newburgh
William of Newburgh (d.1198) was one of England's most important historians in the twelfth century. In the following section, he details the war that broke out in 1173 between Henry II against his son, Henry, called 'The Younger'. Henry II would also face the French and Scottish kings during this conflict. To read the entire chronicle of William of Newburgh, please see the Medieval Sourcebook.

Chapter
XXVII – How King Henry the Younger revolted from his father, and stirred up
the King of France and others against him.
In
the eleven hundred and seventy-third year from the delivery of the Virgin, which
was the twentieth of the reign of King Henry the second, when the king had
returned from Ireland into England, and shortly afterwards passed over from
England into Normandy, an execrable and foul dissension arose between him and
his son, Henry the third, whom, two years before, as it is said above, he had
caused to be solemnly consecrated as king. When the prince grew up to the age of
manhood, he was impatient to obtain, with the oath and name, the reality of the
oath and name, and, at least, to reign jointly with his father; though he ought
of right to rule alone, for, having been crowned, the reign of his father had,
as it were, expired - at least it was so whispered to him by certain persons.
He was, moreover, highly indignant, because his father had sparingly
supplied him with money to meet the expenses of a royal establishment.
Thus irritated and enraged against him, he secretly
fled to his father-in-law, the king of France, in order thereby to create
annoyance to his own father. Being graciously received by the French king - not
so much because he was his son-in-law, as because he had withdrawn from his own
father - he confided in his advice in all things; and being thus encouraged and
instigated against his father by the virulent exhortations of the French, he was
not terrified from violating the great law of nature by the example of the
undutiful Absalom.
As soon as his father had discovered the hatred of
his son, and ascertained whither he had fled, he sent men of distinction to the
king of France, with pacific words, demanding his son by paternal right, and
promising that, if any thing should appear to require amendment with regard to
him, by his advice he would immediately amend it. The king of France, upon hearing these words, asked,
"Who is it that sends this message to me?"
They replied, “The king of England." "It is false," he
answered, "behold the king of England is here; and he sends no message to
me by you - but if, even now, you style his father king, who was formerly king of
England, know ye that he, as king, is dead: and though he may still act as king,
yet that shall soon be remedied, for he resigned his kingdom to his son, as the
world is witness." The
messengers being thus foiled returned to their lord. Soon after, the younger
Henry, by the advice of the French, devising evil from every source against his
father, went secretly into Aquitaine, where his two youthful brothers, Richard
and Geoffrey, were residing with their mother; and with her connivance, as it is
said, brought them with him into France: for their father had granted, for his
lifetime, Aquitain to the one and Brittany to the other.
Hence the younger Henry believed, from the suggestions of the French,
that the people of Aquitaine might very easily be gained over to his party by
means of Richard; and the Bretons by the
influence of Geoffrey. He also
allied himself to the count of Flanders, his father's cousin-german; a man of
great power and immoderate presumption, which arose from his confidence in the
numerous and warlike people whom he governed; and him also he gained over by
great promises with the consent of the king of France. Then many powerful and
noble persons, as well in England as in foreign parts, either impelled by mere
hatred, which until then they had dissembled, or solicited by promises of the
vainest kind, began by degrees to desert the father for the son, and to make
every preparation for the commencement of war. The earl of Leicester, for instance, the earl of Chester,
Hugh Bigot, Ralph de Fougeres, and many others, formidable from the amount of
their wealth and the strength of their fortresses.
Many, who placed less confidence in their wealth and power, also
declared the hostility of their minds by retiring into France, in order to
remain inactive. To these was added a fiercer enemy, the king of Scots, who was
ready to send into the English borders his cruel people, who would spare neither
sex nor age. Thus, while so many and such powerful nobles departed from the
elder king, and led all men against him, as if their lives depended on it, there
were still a few who adhered faithfully and firmly to him, while the rest
wavered around him in uncertainty, and timidly feared to be swept away by the
victory of the younger sovereign. Then
the elder king at length saw (for so it was commonly reported) how unadvisedly,
in fact how foolishly, he had acted by prematurely creating a successor to
himself; but he little expected that in so doing those persons who were watching
for a new government would eagerly follow his son.
Uneasy, therefore, at the troubled state of affairs, while internal and
external foes were pressing upon him; and trusting also very little to those who
seemed to adhere to him, yet acted remissly, for the favour of his son, he sent
for the mercenary forces of Brabancons, called Rutae; for the royal treasures
(which were not spared in such an emergency) afforded him an abundant supply of
ready money.
Chapter
XXVIII: Of the transactions at Aumale, Chateauneuf and Verneiul
In
the month of June, when kings are accustomed to go to war, the neighbouring
princes, having collected their forces from every quarter, advanced in a hostile
manner against the king of England, pretending, indeed, that they were only
jealous for the son against the father; than which nothing could be more absurd;
for in reality they engaged in this affair either through private hatred, like
the king of France, or for the sake of gain, like the count of Flanders. The
king of England was hardly prepared to receive the attacks of so many enemies,
on account of the intestine commotions which had arisen among his own subjects,
and by which he was extremely perplexed.
Therefore, when, on account of his inferior force, he was unable openly
to meet his assailants, he yet attentively studied how to fortify and garrison
the strongholds
Chapter
XXIX: Of those who were taken at Dol.
Though
Henry's external foes, such as the king of France and the count of Flanders,
whose power was very great, were thus, by the will of God, driven away, his
enemies at home were by no means tranquil. Many of those assembled by agreement,
and after uniting together obtained possession of the city of Dol, which indeed
of right belongs to Brittany, though it is included within the limits of
Normandy. On hearing this, the
Brabancons, in the king's service, soon arrived at the town, and attacked them,
upon which a multitude of the insurgents fled into the town; which soon after
being also taken, they were compelled to retire within the narrow limits of one
castle. When they were thus shut
up, the report was carried with the utmost celerity to the king, who was at
Rouen. He, forgetting both food and
sleep, and constantly changing his relays, passed over a large tract of country,
and arrived so quickly that he seemed to have flown; and while conducting the
siege of the castle, the multitude which was enclosed therein, not enduring the
confinement, implored his mercy. The
king agreed to give them their liberty and to spare their limbs; but upon the
surrender of the castle, he ordered into custody all the noble captives found
therein, and the earl of Chester, and Ralph de Fougeres, with about one hundred
other nobles, fell, by the judgment of God, into the hands of the king, whom
they had pursued with the bitterest hatred.
However, they were treated by him with very much more clemency than they
deserved, though; for a time they were confined in chains; but the two nobles
abovementioned, who seemed more distinguished among the captives, after having
satisfied the king that they would observe their fealty, obtained their release.
In this business the clemency of so great a prince towards most
treacherous betrayers and most atrocious enemies is beyond a doubt to be justly
admired and applauded.
Chapter XXX: Of the siege of Leicester, the War of the
King of the Scots, and the capture of the Earl of Leicester
While such things as these were being performed by the king in person, or
around him, in parts beyond the sea, similar events also happened in England.
When the earl of Leicester, who first deserted the king, had corrupted many by
his dishonest example, Richard de Lucy, who at that time governed England under
the king, upon the receipt of the royal mandate, hastily collected an army, and
besieged Leicester. The town was
surrendered and burnt, but he omitted to attack the castle because he was called
away to more urgent affairs. Moreover, the king of the Scots, knowing how much
the king of England was engaged in Normandy, entered the English frontiers with
an immense force of his barbarous and blood-thirsty people, and besieged
Carlisle, as well as wasted the whole of the adjacent province with rapine and
slaughter; but when he found that a large army from the north of England was
approaching, he relinquished the siege, and after the most horrid ravages in the
county of Northumberland, he retired into his own dominions before our chiefs
could come up with him. They advanced, however, with their forces across the
Tweed, which divides the kingdoms of England and Scotland, and, unresisted,
retaliated upon that hostile land; but they were soon recalled to England by
hasty messengers, though not before they had subtly restrained the ferocity of
the hostile king, by a needful truce. Thus, by a wily dissimulation, our chiefs
concealed from him those events which had come to their knowledge; for the earl
of Leicester with a hostile fleet from Flanders had landed upon the coast of
East Anglia, and being well received by his accomplice, Hugh Bigot, a powerful
and crafty man, he remained there for some time with his army. Soon after, with
the co-operation and guidance of the same Hugh, his army advanced upon the city
of Norwich, and took it with very little trouble, it being without a garrison,
and paralyzed with sudden terror. After
plundering it of all its wealth, the army returned to the camp loaded with
spoil. With the same person as his
counsellor and guide, he in like manner approached towards Dunwich, a celebrated
maritime town, abounding in various kinds of treasures, intending to take it
also by assault; but he was dismayed at the firmness of the inhabitants, who
unanimously prepared themselves to receive the attack of the enemy; and when he
discovered that his attempts against them would be abortive, he returned without
any success. Hugh having made as much use of this army as he desired, then
signified to the earl of Leicester that he ought to conduct the foreign forces,
which he had brought over, into those districts and castles which were under his
own jurisdiction. The earl of
Leicester, however, hesitated much and long, because he could not cross the
country to Leicester without great danger, through the midst of the enemies'
territory, who were said to be watching his march ; feeling, at length,
confident in the numbers and valour of his allies (for he had about eighty
chosen horse, and four or five thousand valiant foot), and thinking that no one
would be able to oppose him on the way, because he had many friends among those
who appeared to favour the king, he boldly commenced the journey, with all his
forces, taking with him his wife, and Hugh de Castello, a French nobleman. But
the nobles of the royal party, with an ample military force, were at St.
Edmundsbury, watching him; and when the earl's army was near that place, they
brought out their forces in array against his troops.
The forces of the earl were not in a position to turn either to the right
hand or to the left; and so converting their constraint into courage, they
boldly marched onward in order, and a desperate battle commenced ; the one party
fighting for glory, and the other for safety.
The victory, however, belonged to the royal party; the earl was taken
captive, with his wife, a woman of masculine mind, and also Hugh of Castello,
together with almost all the cavalry; but nearly the whole of the foot soldiers
were killed. The prisoners of distinction were sent to the king in Normandy, and
the rest were disposed of according to his discretion.
Chapter XXXI: Of the defection of David the Scot and
others from the King
This unfilial madness of the son against the father raged for nearly two
years, and the more important events of the first year have already been set
forth in the foregoing narration. For a short time, indeed, during the winter,
in parts beyond the sea, there was a cessation from the tumults of war; but it
was not so in England; for the troops, who were in the fortresses belonging to
the earl of Leicester, after they had remained quiet for some time, cowed by the
fate which had befallen their lord, again grew bold and inflamed, as it were, to
avenge this disaster; and being joined by a multitude of the wicked ones, began
to infest the neighbouring counties by their incursions; and feeling that they
would act with more confidence in having a prince possessing a great name, they
chose for their leader and chief David, earl of Huntingdon, brother of the king
of Scots, who was roving about successfully, and was proceeding prosperously in
his further acts of iniquity. The
earl of Ferrars also, and a nobleman named Roger de Moubray, having now openly
declared their intention, which they had long concealed, followed the rest of
the revolters, scarcely restraining (even during the sacred time of Lent) the
impulse of the fury they had conceived ; but after the solemnity of Easter they
broke out in daring adventures. Nor
did the younger king at that time desist from alluring the English nobles who
outwardly appeared to adhere to his father by promises and clandestine letters,
and even by threats, that he might bring them over by any means to his own
party; from which cause it is said that there were only a few noblemen at that
time in England who were not wavering in their adherence to the king, and ready
to desert him at any time, unless some check should speedily be placed upon
their intentions.
Chapter XXXII: Of the King’s arrival in England, and
what the Scots did there.
In the second year, therefore, of the contention that had commenced, the
war was once more renewed against the elder king of England by those powerful
enemies, the king of France, the count of Flanders, and the king of Scots, with
all their forces. The count of Flanders (already forgetful of his brother's
death, and ambitious of possessing the English county called Kent, for which, in
fact, he had already done homage to the younger Henry) was preparing a fleet to
cross over into England with the young king and his forces. The king of France,
intending to invade Normandy, was also preparing an army which he had collected
from all quarters. When those preparations became known, the elder king,
preferring that his possessions beyond the sea should be in peril rather than
his own realm of England (and yet he carefully took measures that they should be
fortified, for he foresaw that while he was absent, and as it were not in
existence, no one in England would offer any opposition to the individual who
was expected to be his successor), and anticipating the movements of his
enemies, he quickly embarked for England with some cavalry and one troop of
Brabancons. In the meantime, the king of the Scots, with an infinite number of
barbarians of his own nation, and his accessories of mercenary cavalry and
infantry from Flanders, entered the English frontiers, and obtained possession
of Burgh and Appleby, two royal fortresses in Westmoreland, which he found
ungarrisoned. Departing thence, he determined to lay siege again to the city of
Carlisle; but an agreement being made by the affrighted citizens, that they
would surrender the city to him on a certain day unless in the meantime a
garrison sufficient for them should be sent by the king of England, he marched
with his army to lay siege to a certain fortress by the river Tyne, called
Prudhoe. Then Roger de Mowbray, whom we have before mentioned, came to him, and
demanded assistance; for after two of his fortresses had been valiantly stormed
and taken by Geoffrey, the natural son of the king of England, who was then
bishop elect of Lincoln, he had difficulty in holding possession of a third
called Thirsk. This Roger, a long
time before, had given his first-born son as a hostage to the king of the Scots,
who was then meditating an irruption into the province of York, and had engaged
to assist and obey him in all things; and in his turn had received surety from
him that he should never be left without assistance in any necessity whatsoever;
but after the Scottish king had toiled at Prudhoe for many days with useless
labour, (which was highly injurious to his own people,) on hearing that the
military force of the county of York was raised against him, he crossed the Tyne
and invaded the county of Northumberland. Everything
was consumed by the Scots; to whom no kind of food is too filthy to be devoured,
even that which is fit only for dogs; and while they were grasping their prey,
it was a delight to that inhuman nation, more savage than wild beasts, to cut
the throats of old men, to slaughter little children, to rip open the bowels of
women, and to do everything of this kind that is horrible to mention. So while this army of most infamous robbers was poured into
the miserable province, and the barbarians were revelling in their inhumanity,
the Scottish king himself, attended by a more honourable and civilized body of
military, who kept watch around him, appeared to be unemployed, and remained in
observation around a very strong castle called Alnwick, in order to prevent the
possibility of a band of soldiers sallying from it, and so disturbing the
plunderers, who were robbing and killing around them in every direction.
Chapter
XXXIII: Of the capture of the King of Scots
While matters were thus progressing in the northern parts of England, the
nobles on the king's side in the county of York, justly indignant that the Scots
should infest the confines of England, assembled at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, with a
strong body of cavalry. The occasion was so urgent that they had not time to
collect their infantry together, and they came thither on Friday, the sixth day
of the week, wearied by a long and laborious march. While they were there
consulting together what was to be done, the more prudent declared that much had
already been done, since the king of Scots, upon hearing of their arrival, had
retreated so far; that this ought to suffice for the time, considering the
smallness of their force, and that it was neither safe for themselves, nor
useful to the king of England, to advance any further, lest they should appear
to expose their scanty numbers to the infinite multitude of barbarians, to be
devoured like a piece of bread; that they had not more than four hundred horse,
while the enemy's army was estimated at more
Chapter
XXXIV: What happened to the Army and Territory of Scotland after the King’s
capture
The king of Scots being thus delivered into the hands of his enemies, the
manifest vengeance of God did not permit his most hateful army to go unpunished.
When the capture of their king was known, the barbarians were at first
thunderstruck, and desisted from plunder; but soon after, as if impelled by the
furies, they turned against each other the sword - now drunk with innocent blood
- which they had taken up against their foes; for there was in that army a great
number of English, since the towns and boroughs of the kingdom of Scotland are
inhabited by English. On this occasion the Scots, evincing their innate hatred
against them, though concealed through fear of the king, cut off as many as they
met, while those able to escape took refuge in the royal
Chapter
XXXV: of the memorable penance of the King of England and of its consequences
King Henry the second had now come into England from Normandy, to throw the
strength of his presence against his son, who was expected to arrive with the
Flemish forces; but remembering how much he had sinned against the church of
Canterbury, he proceeded thither immediately he had landed, and prayed, freely
shedding tears, at the tomb of Thomas, the blessed bishop. On entering the
chapter of the monks, he prostrated himself on the ground, and with the utmost
humility entreated pardon; and, at his urgent petition, he, though so great a
man, was corporally beaten with rods by all the brethren in succession. On the
following night, in a dream, it was said to a certain venerable old monk of that
church, "Hast thou not seen today a marvellous miracle of royal humility?
Know that the result of those events which are passing around him will
shortly declare how much his royal humility has pleased the King of kings."
I learned this from that most reverend and simple-minded man, Roger,' abbot of
Byland, who, while relating it, said that he had heard it from a trustworthy
person, who was accidentally staying at that very time
Chapter
XXXVI: Of the siege of Rouen, and the insidious attack of the assailants
In the meantime, the king of France, with an overpowering army, entered
Normandy from the east-that is to say, where it seemed to lie open, by reason of
the castles which had been taken by the count of Flanders; and he advanced upon
and besieged Rouen, the metropolis of that province. Rouen is one of the most
famous cities in Europe, and is seated upon the great river Seine, by which the
commerce of many regions is carried thither; and it is so well protected by that
river, and by the hills about it, that scarcely a third part of it could be
besieged by a single army. The younger king
and the count of Flanders, surrounded by vast forces, were watching for an
opportunity of crossing the sea, with the fleet which they had prepared in the
port of the Morini, where there is the shortest passage into England.
However, upon hearing that the elder king was already in England, and
doubtless powerfully prepared to receive their attacks, they thought it would be
by no means safe for them to cross over thither.
So they changed their intention; thus rendering ineffectual the whole
equipment of the fleet which they had prepared. Considering that the siege of
Rouen would be a great undertaking, and that it would be a very profitable act
to take that city, they concentrated those vast and terrible forces at that
point, and increased the besieging army to an immense extent.
Though so great an army had not been seen in Europe for many years
previous, yet, on account of the difficult approaches to the city, they could
scarcely lay siege to the third part of it.
By the bridge across the river, there was both a free ingress into the
town from the country, and also egress from the town into the country; so that
it was supplied with all manner of necessaries in abundance: while the hostile
army, nigh at hand, looked on and envied them; so that, perhaps, we might quote
the remark, that "Sicilian tyrants have not found a greater torment than
envy." When strong and spirited men beheld this, almost all day going on
quite near them, without the power to prevent it, they endured the sight with
considerable vexation. The engines being ready to attack the city, the siege was
commenced in earnest, and the army was divided into three divisions; the natural
day was also divided into eight hours, so that the men might succeed each other
in turns that is to say, those who
were fresh might succeed the weary; and thus, by perpetually fighting, they
should not leave the defenders of the walls the least time to breathe, either by
day or night. But their object was defeated; for the citizens opposed this
arrangement by similar skill and precaution, and also divided themselves into
three bodies, and by a careful distribution met the enemy, who continued the
attack in succession. Thus they
provided for themselves a competent remedy against the intolerable labour and
fatigue by which it was thought they would be wearied out.
After they had struggled for many
days with their utmost strength, and neither party had gained or lost in any
respect, on the natal day of St. Lawrence [10th Aug.], the king of France, out
of reverence to that excellent martyr, whom he was accustomed especially and
devoutly to venerate, commanded it to be solemnly proclaimed that repose should
be allowed to the city on that day. The citizens gratefully embraced that
favour, and enjoyed the short interval in the most jocund manner.
Young men and maidens, old men and children, as much out of joy of the
day, as to irritate the enemy, shouted with loud voices in the city; while a
troop of military amused themselves with tilting, in the sight of the enemy,
upon the banks of the river outside the town. The count of Flanders, as it is
reported, went to the king, and said: " See, the city for which we have
already toiled so much, is offered to us spontaneously, while those inside are
leading dances, and those outside are sporting in security.
Let the troops, therefore, silently take arms, and let the
scaling-ladders be quickly placed against the wall, and we shall be masters of
the town, before those men, now sporting outside it in derision of us, will be
able to regain the city." "Far
be it from me to blemish my kingly honour by such a stain," said the king;
"for thou knowest that I have granted the city repose for this day, out of
reverence to the most blessed Lawrence."
Upon this, all the chiefs then present, with familiar boldness, reproved
his mildness, and said, "Who asks whether it be deceit or valour in an
enemy?" consequently he acquiesced. So,
not by the voice of the trumpet, nor that of a herald, but by the whispers of
the commanders alone in the tents, was the army made ready to rush upon the
city. However, by the will of God
it happened, that certain clerks were at that hour amusing themselves, in some
way or other, in a lofty tower of a church within the town, from which it was
the custom to give a signal to the citizens when the enemy came rushing toward
the walls, by ringing a very ancient but wonderfully sonorous bell.
One of these clerks happened to look out of the window, and, casting his
eyes over the army spread out in their tents, was at first surprised at the
unusual silence in the camp, which seemed to betoken some mystery. Soon after,
looking more closely from that lofty place, he observed their clandestine
preparations; and when he had communicated the matter to his companions, they
immediately gave the well-known signal to the city, by ringing Ruvell, for so
the bell was called. When this was heard, both sides hastened forward with all their
forces. The army that was already prepared rushed from the camp, and advanced to
the wall with scaling-ladders; and the citizens, stimulated by the unexpected
peril, seized their arms, and with ardent spirit and movements endeavoured to
repel the assailants. Those also who were amusing themselves outside the town,
came up with wonderful celerity. The enemy, having succeeded in placing their
ladders against the wall, scaled the rampart, and then their shouts of triumph
were heard. When, lo! they were bravely attacked and repulsed by the citizens,
and a most furious conflict with spears was waged upon the ramparts arms and
bodies met together, and much blood was shed on either side; and, at length,
those who proudly had ascended were thrust headlong down again. Night put an end
to the battle, and the treacherous army, after suffering much greater loss than
they had inflicted, retired in confusion to the camp.
The king threw the blame upon the count of Flanders, but the stain of
such infamous treachery adhered most to the person of the king.
From that day forward, it is certain that the besieged acted with more
confidence, and the besiegers more slackly and hopelessly.
Chapter XXXVII: How the King restored Peace to England,
and relieved Rouen
In
the meantime, king Henry the elder, remaining in England, sent for the governors
of the castles belonging to the earl of Leicester, whom he had brought with him
from Normandy in bonds, and admonished them that, for the safety of their lord,
they should resign those castles, issuing from which they infested the
provinces. They demanded permission to confer with their lord, but it was denied
them; upon which they said they would not obey the king's wishes, unless upon
the certain release of their lord. The
king replied, "I will make no agreement with you upon the subject; but if
you will do what I wish, you will do well." And it is reported, that when
the holy relics were brought, he swore, saying, "So may God help me, and
these holy things, but the earl of Leicester shall taste nothing until you do
that which I desire with respect to his castles: you may, however, depart as
quickly as you can." Then, seeing that certain and swift destruction was
impending over their lord if they resisted any longer, they forthwith resigned
the fortresses. Earl David,
however, who had been the chief among them, having left the castle of
Huntingdon, it soon afterwards surrendered to the king, and the earl hastily
retired into Scotland. At these
successes by the king, Hugh Bigot and the earl of Ferrars were terrified; and
they also came to an agreement of their own accord, and gave security for peace
and fidelity. Matters, by the will
of God, being thus arranged in England, according to his vows, the king with a
mighty army quickly crossed the sea, taking with him the king of Scots (who had
been brought to him shortly before), the earl of Leicester, and the other noble
captives. Amidst the exultations of
the people throughout Normandy, at his rapid and happy return, he entered Rouen,
in great pomp, in the sight of the enemy. A few days before, a messenger had
arrived with the news of the capture of the king of Scots, at which the enemy
were greatly grieved; but at the sudden and triumphal return of the king from
England, they were stricken with astonishment. Confiding, however, in the
strength of their innumerable multitudes, they persisted in the siege. The king,
at night, secretly sent out a troop of Welshmen, whom he had brought from
England with him, and who, taking advantage of the darkness of the woods,
concealed themselves in favourable places (for men of this kind are agile and
expert in woods), in order that they might observe where the supplies were
conveyed to the great army. The
Welshmen, availing themselves of the opportunity, rushed out from the woods,
attacked the convoys, and put the horsemen by whom they were guarded to flight;
and having destroyed the whole equipage, with great slaughter of men and beasts
of burthen, they, retired back again to the woods. A report was soon spread that the forests were full of
Welshmen; and the army suffered hunger for the space of three days on account of
their supplies being intercepted. In this necessity, the siege was abandoned,
and the princes departed with their vast army, carrying away no other reward for
the great labour; than ignominy. They
kept their ranks, however, in order to repel danger, if perchance the enemy
should press upon their rear. Thus,
whatever was prepared or attempted against the king of England by the malignity
of his enemies, turned to his glory, God being propitious to him.
Chapter
XXXVIII: Of the Reconciliation of the Kings, and the Tranquility of their Realms

This text is from The Church Historians of England, edited by Joseph Stevenson (London, 1856), volume 4, part 2.